The impoverishment of workers portrays Sumar and Yolanda Díaz's failure

Sumar always had an expiration date. This platform of parties was nothing more than a device supported by PSOE to get rid of Podemos. That is, Sumar's artificiality and functions within "Frankenstein" were measured and set from the beginning.

Like speculative assets, the proof of this artificiality lies in extreme electoral movements. If we look at the latest polls, we see that Sumar is losing 26 seats, dropping from 31 to 5. Such drastic collapses only occur in parties that play internal roles in the party system (C's, for example).

The data, then, are clear, even the prediction: Sumar makes it impossible for Sánchez to call early elections. However, what is more difficult is to understand the path Sumar has taken to reach the political graveyard. Largely, the answer can be found in the widespread collapse of the alternative left.

working class, what is that?

One of the things that most draws the attention of those who look into electoral sociology is that parties like Podemos and Sumar (or CUP, or Comuns) have no ties to the working classes. Electoral analysis shows that they are parties of urban elites or semi-elites, highly educated (the indispensable role of social sciences faculties) and with "post-material" concerns. The latter refers to the picturesque collection of "woke" eccentricities, almost always linked to consumerist forms of identity.

This causes an immediate divorce between the working classes and these parties. In addition, it must not be forgotten that social degradation affects the poor first and most intensely. The working classes are the ones who suffer from ethnic tensions, educational failure, insecurity linked to immigration, and above all, the loss of purchasing power. It is in this last point where we find Sumar's most objective failure.

Among the many indicators that reflect the social degradation of the poor, we can take the latest one, which also comes from Yolanda Díaz's own Ministry. According to Díaz's commission of experts in the Ministry, 42.1% of wage earners are in precarious situations. However, it must be made very clear that this can only surprise those who do not understand the reality of the economic model promoted by parties like Sumar.

This is a model of very low productivity, with huge positive migration balances and skyrocketing housing prices. This leads to the most important economic phenomenon of our time: macro data are excellent and micro data are terrible. To top off the situation, all of this is wrapped in a very strong and moralistic ideological marking of people (eco-friendly cars, gender disputes, internal media controversies, etc.).

In fact, it can be said that Sumar and all its variations are the last way in which the working classes have to bear the weight of the establishment. In this case, PSOE's establishment, which, to guarantee its arithmetic continuity, gives space to these elite parties. This is achieved through media exposure and the adoption of their ideological language ("caste," "fascism," "far right," etc.).

the end of a (tiny) era

Podemos emerged from 15-M and from Vice President Sáenz de Santamaría's maneuvers to divide PSOE's vote. Later, with the classic alternation of Spanish politics, Sánchez's PSOE used Podemos for a while until it supported Yolanda Díaz's betrayal of Pablo Iglesias. From there, Sánchez achieved the only thing he seeks: to keep buying short-term time but in a constant way.

What is made clear by this situation is that the parties that live off the legacy of 15-M could never lead a change in favor of the working classes. In fact, it is not even necessary to relate it to the Spanish 15-M: throughout Europe, the alternative left is sinking irretrievably. Meanwhile, the right is capitalizing on the real problems of working citizens under the identity umbrella.

Neither in absolute terms nor in relative terms (inequality) has the alternative left achieved anything. On the contrary, the alternative left has fueled the rise of the identity right through the abandonment of a social sector: young people. This is another way of referring to workers, since young people are the most precarious workers in the system.

It is to be expected, then, that an inevitable purge will occur within this political spectrum. It will begin with a very sharp fall, a stabilization in irrelevance (Podemos and Sumar have a total of 7 seats in the polls), and their subsequent disappearance. To finally seal their failure, Sumar will be the indirect cause of Sánchez's inability to rearm "Frankenstein" and of PP and Vox achieving a comfortable absolute majority.