From great hope to a reality check: Salvador Illa's government marks 300 days

This Wednesday, June 4, marks 300 days since Salvador Illa's inauguration as President of Catalonia. He arrived at the Generalitat with the hope of opening a new chapter in Catalonia after a long decade of "procesismo." Unable to open a new centrist space, he has ended up being dragged to the left by his declining partners (ERC and Comuns).

The first months of his government have been marked by his demeanor and discretion in a polarized and tense Parliament. In his inauguration, he announced the "third transformation of Catalonia." This included four pillars: institutional normality, economic transformation, ecological transition, and the recovery of public services.

Along the way, he has encountered major crises such as Rodalies, the power outage, and DAGAIA. He has also faced the challenge of transformation in Interior and Justice to put a stop to crime and insecurity. What is the assessment of all this?

A government of good intentions

To his credit is the reduction of insecurity (at least according to official figures). Catalonia has been the region of Spain that has reduced crime the most, by 6%, in the first quarter of 2025. The paradigm shift in Interior and the emergency plans against crime are working, but there is still much to be done.

PSC has also achieved a relative institutional normalization with things that were unthinkable in "procesista" Catalonia. This has given a new boost to the economy, with more growth and greater attraction of investment. Catalonia has managed to recover its economic momentum with Madrid and to reactivate business leaders' trust.

The government also faces an ambitious reform of the administration and major challenges in the economy and other strategic sectors. The socialists hope to see their work completed at the end of the legislature. Only then will it be possible to say whether it has been a success or a failure.

No possibility of consensus

For now, what can be said is that the assessment is far from triumphant. Illa hasn't managed to consolidate a centrist space strong enough to guarantee stability. He governs without a budget due to the whim of his main partner, ERC, which tries to condition his policy through the negotiation of the credit supplement.

One sign that Catalonia hasn't regained full normality is the cordon sanitaire imposed on parties such as Vox and Aliança Catalana. This prevents democratic normality in Catalonia and turns PSC into a hostage of "procesismo" and the radical left.

The socialists have been forced to give in to the far left on issues such as housing, taxation, and the economic model. This prevents them from exploring other alliances along the lines of the consensus they aspired to at the start of the legislature.

The result is a PSC that can't establish its own identity in the government and is constantly constrained by the demands of its partners. This means that, despite the promise to turn the page, Catalonia remains in the hands of the same people who have governed in recent years. ERC, Comuns, and CUP thus manage to perpetuate their failed housing policy and the fiscal hell for Catalans.

Weak government in the hands of minorities

The problem for Illa is that he has already chosen his traveling companions and this will condition all his government work. Business leaders, who at the time chose PSC as an alternative government in Catalonia, are now beginning to show their reservations. Another challenge is to regain the trust of the middle classes, who, suffocated by tax pressure and victims of insecurity and social decline, may be tempted by the rising populist options.

Ultimately, it will be necessary to wait and see if Illa manages to complete his "transformation" of Catalonia. However, the first 300 days show a weak government in the hands of increasingly radicalized and marginal minorities. This conditions the government's policies and the broad consensus the region needs in the much-desired recovery of the political center.